TremulousTetra
prismatic universe
you mean you want to believe it, what a bunch of sectarian dickheads.- we want more detail



you mean you want to believe it, what a bunch of sectarian dickheads.- we want more detail



I bet you'll got it now, nothing to wank about tonight.ohhfairy nough


I bet you'll got it now, nothing to wank about tonight.![]()

Just a poor trolling effort dennis, as I've noticed talks by ex member and Gallowayite Rob Hoveman still posted up there.
0/10

everyone bites so easily![]()
everyone needs a good pokingSome don't need poking.
everyone needs a good poking
For those interested there are audio files of past Marxism events, and other speakers, @ www.resistancemp3.org.uk .
The site is going through somewhat of a development process at the moment, and any suggestions of video on sound files for the site would be welcome. (There is a new video section under development)
Fraternal greetings, ResistanceMP3
Anyone go to this?
Everyone needs a poke true.
Had David Hillard in attendance, did anyone see him?
Why don't the SWP do welfare programmes, and other similar community work to the Panthers? [honest question by the way]
The SWP criticise the Panthers for relating to the "guys on the block" and the idea that the "lumpen-proletariate is a resevoir of revolutionary potential" rather than relating to the organised working class (in trade unions, for exampel). In a sense, there is a certain truth in this, that organised workers have more power in society than, say, the unemployed, and building a lasting organisation from the lumpen proletariate is difficult, hence the Panthers spectacular growth and speedy decline.
However, this argument makes less sense at time (such as now) when there is precious little of that organised working class and what remains of it is very weak.
Rebuilding the union movement is a vital task, given the power that organised labour has within capitalism, and using that power to support other struggles is very important. Union organisation is weak, but their are small signs of growth and an increase in combativeness of working class organisations. The union movement is the best weapon for social and economic justice that we have.
However, this perspective can lead to crass economism, as witnessed in Lindsey German's attack in Sex, Class & Socialism on the feminist movement in relating to places where women are weak - women's aid centre. rape crisis centres etc. rather than where they are strong, in the unions etc.
Poster - yes we need a better and more accountable trade union leaders and their bureuacracy.
As for unions being lame - well on 16 & 17 July Unison members, PCS members will be on strike - more PCS strikes later in July plus maybe Unite.
PCS itself having a ballot (and if won) in the autumn - a national civil service strike. Oh and let us not forget the tankers drivers action and winning big pay rises. You may feel that trade unions are on the wane. Some of us are involved to make unions more positive and fighting unions.
I can't help but feel this cherry picking. Essentially a communist method would look at the needs of the class in its entirety and I would agree with your conclusion, sometimes cornering certain struggles can lead to various kinds of inroads.
When I was in the SWP, a project worker from a homeless shelter who used to come to a lot of meetings and protests suggested that our SWP branch cooked a meal once a month at the shelter, commenting that the religious groups come in regularly wouldn't it be great if the socialists got a profile as helping the homeless. A lot of us thought this was a great idea, but our organiser ("we're not a charity") and probably the homeless shelter management weren't enamoured of the idea.
There are several reasons the SWP don't get involved in welfare programmes I assume. 1) The SWP is quite small, so has to prioritise a limited range of activism. 2) a political perspective of orientating to the organised working class and narrow conception of politics.
The SWP criticise the Panthers for relating to the "guys on the block" and the idea that the "lumpen-proletariate is a resevoir of revolutionary potential" rather than relating to the organised working class (in trade unions, for exampel). In a sense, there is a certain truth in this, that organised workers have more power in society than, say, the unemployed, and building a lasting organisation from the lumpen proletariate is difficult, hence the Panthers spectacular growth and speedy decline.
However, this perspective can lead to crass economism, as witnessed in Lindsey German's attack in Sex, Class & Socialism on the feminist movement in relating to places where women are weak - women's aid centre. rape crisis centres etc. rather than where they are strong, in the unions etc. Of course, there was a phenomena of self-help activists being incorporated into the state and council, but German's perspective seemed flawed to me. Her argument was collective struggle in the feminist movement had been fragmented into individualist issues, but domestic violence and rape can be organised around in a collective way. This perspective has meant that the revolutionary left has been marginalised from the women's movement rather than leading it.
Or I recall at an SWP conference it being argued on Scotland (presumably in polemic with the SSP) around Asylum and Refugee issues that the way forward shouldn't be activists trying to substitute themselves for absent or denied welfare services, but rather building a political movement to put pressure on the Scottish parliament.
This seemed weak to me, as the two approaches didn't seem mutually exclusive but rather inconnected. For example, solidarity work such as anti-deportation campaigns can often be a way of involving the wider community.
This seems an ingrained approach in the SWP, which has meant that it has missed the boat in several key working class struggles. For example, initially opposing solidarity campaigns with the Miners as "radical oxfam" or underestimating the potential for a mass non-payment campaign against the Poll Tax based on a mistaken understanding of the dynamics of working class communities.
In my opinion this economism of focusing only on the organised working class is mistaken. By radical social work and community work, the revolutionary left can begin to appeal to the moral idealism of many people and be seen as the ones who stand up for the most weak and marginalised in our society ie. start to become 'tribunes of the oppressed'. Otherwise, the revolutionary left is seen as being a talking shop and lacks social roots, as it is seen as fly-by-night.
My opinion is that for trotskyists to become more rooted in society that taking up these issues of radical community and social work, social welfare could be fruitful.
This came up over a discussion over the weekend. I think under the existing climate with low class struggle and a number of the trotskyist groups in auto-pilot I think they will never attain a great sphere of influence, because they still think they're the leadership of the class, despite the fact theres very little of the class to actually lead.