TremulousTetra
prismatic universe
It has taken me several reads, and I have written several responses to this post, and haven't been happy with any of them. I do understand your argument, SW is guilty of creating Popular Fronts instead of United Fronts, I am just not sure how to respond.
To start with, I think it's wrong to see Socialist worker and analysis as "the SWs saw an appeal to the more 'progressive' Labour MPs, Greens etc as a way forward", "about 'appealling' to our 'elders and betters'". that goes against everything Socialist worker has ever said to me, the emancipation of the working class, has to be the act of the working class. MP's TU's etc are means to mobilising as many people possible people into activity. George Galloway can mobilise 165 people to a stop the War meeting in North Manchester the other week, Chris Harman couldn't. Despite how the Labour Party has changed, working class people, our potential audience, are still voting Labour. So the thing was the audience they deliver. I have read the article on stop the War you wanted me to read. I am puzzled. If the demands of the stop the War had been framed the way the Socialist party wanted them, what would have been the result?
Again a lot of of what you say about to wider movements etc sounds like what is said by Socialist worker, but I'm guessing there must be differences. What did you mean by "wider class movements"? an example of this I would have taken from Socialist worker's analysis was their argument that we had to try and include the anticapitalist movement, the greens. So, the difference between SW and S. P. analysis would be, what?
I'm guessing part of the difference might lie here. When you talk about the Labour Party changing its nature, shaking off its working-class membership, are you saying Revolutionarie should no longer work with the Labour Party? or are you saying Revolutionarie should no longer work with the Labour Party, unless that Labour Party is prepared to work with the revolutionaries on a programme the revolutionaries have decided? your criticism of SW is they are prepared to create a Revolutionarie block, but that Revolutionarie block should not compromise, it should not negotiate with reformist, greens, anticapitalist in forming a united front? there should be no negotiation between revolutionaries and members of the United front who are not revolutionaries? If so why should they join, and deliver an audience to revolutionaries? and what about putting the needs of the movement, before revolutionaries? Surely sometimes reformists can deliver victories for the working class?
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Now they few other questions.
You didn't really answer this question "Now you may disagree about stop the war being a genuine united front. But that doesn't undermine the point SW was making, does it? If stop the War had been a genuine united front, a tiny minority could have stopped the majority from acting upon this, couldn't they ?"
You talk about left-wing organisations being hung up on their own left-wing importance. Two examples of SW putting the movement before SW. It became apparent that many players were not prepared to be involved in the anti-Nazi league. So the Anti-Nazi league was given up to create maximum unity in United against Fascism. You accept there is no interest whatsoever from SW in "controlling a restaurant with one customer ", respect, and yet even now they are trying to keep Respect going because of the interest of some trade unionists etc, despite membership in SW plummeting, it is Socialist worker presents on the street is diminishing, etc, since its involvement in the SA and respect. Is that a fair point?
To start with, I think it's wrong to see Socialist worker and analysis as "the SWs saw an appeal to the more 'progressive' Labour MPs, Greens etc as a way forward", "about 'appealling' to our 'elders and betters'". that goes against everything Socialist worker has ever said to me, the emancipation of the working class, has to be the act of the working class. MP's TU's etc are means to mobilising as many people possible people into activity. George Galloway can mobilise 165 people to a stop the War meeting in North Manchester the other week, Chris Harman couldn't. Despite how the Labour Party has changed, working class people, our potential audience, are still voting Labour. So the thing was the audience they deliver. I have read the article on stop the War you wanted me to read. I am puzzled. If the demands of the stop the War had been framed the way the Socialist party wanted them, what would have been the result?
Again a lot of of what you say about to wider movements etc sounds like what is said by Socialist worker, but I'm guessing there must be differences. What did you mean by "wider class movements"? an example of this I would have taken from Socialist worker's analysis was their argument that we had to try and include the anticapitalist movement, the greens. So, the difference between SW and S. P. analysis would be, what?
I'm guessing part of the difference might lie here. When you talk about the Labour Party changing its nature, shaking off its working-class membership, are you saying Revolutionarie should no longer work with the Labour Party? or are you saying Revolutionarie should no longer work with the Labour Party, unless that Labour Party is prepared to work with the revolutionaries on a programme the revolutionaries have decided? your criticism of SW is they are prepared to create a Revolutionarie block, but that Revolutionarie block should not compromise, it should not negotiate with reformist, greens, anticapitalist in forming a united front? there should be no negotiation between revolutionaries and members of the United front who are not revolutionaries? If so why should they join, and deliver an audience to revolutionaries? and what about putting the needs of the movement, before revolutionaries? Surely sometimes reformists can deliver victories for the working class?
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Now they few other questions.
You didn't really answer this question "Now you may disagree about stop the war being a genuine united front. But that doesn't undermine the point SW was making, does it? If stop the War had been a genuine united front, a tiny minority could have stopped the majority from acting upon this, couldn't they ?"
so if the federal structure was not strategic to building the wider working class movement, and the participants in that federal structure voted to abandon it, what was the argument put in SP to justify walking out of the SA?All I was really saying was - given the nature of the SAs (the forces involved, the size of the org and the potential for 'dominance by one or two groups - the SP and SWP) - a federal structure provided a way of a) allowing all groups and individuals to be included and therefore b) the best way for the various ideas to be tested - democratically - before the entire membership
You talk about left-wing organisations being hung up on their own left-wing importance. Two examples of SW putting the movement before SW. It became apparent that many players were not prepared to be involved in the anti-Nazi league. So the Anti-Nazi league was given up to create maximum unity in United against Fascism. You accept there is no interest whatsoever from SW in "controlling a restaurant with one customer ", respect, and yet even now they are trying to keep Respect going because of the interest of some trade unionists etc, despite membership in SW plummeting, it is Socialist worker presents on the street is diminishing, etc, since its involvement in the SA and respect. Is that a fair point?
in the bit you quoted about 'elders and betters'. I was genuinely surprised at the approach (and therefore the end result in practice that the remark refers to). I don't honestly know the reasoning behind the SWs new approach - I can only assume either a) the nature of their own organisation has changed or (and this is my suspision...) b) that there is an element of the old trot remark about ultra-leftism and opportunism being two sides of the same coin. That sounds harsh to you - i am sure - I don't intend it to be and would welcome your views but it seems to me that one can only judge reality - as opposed to the rhetoric - by the actual role and actual results in the STWC. That honestly does not mean I think thee is a conspiracy afoot and the SW leadership are willing puppets of MI5. It means I think they found themselves in a position of power - at the head of STWC and responded - i don't know - maybe by a) over-worrying about the influence of other left groups and b) concerned to be seen as 'reasonable' in the face of what would have been a likely media campaign against them - whatever the reasoning they reacted by pulling back from pushing a class response.
