Mob justice.
And lots of boning.
Mob justice.
I'm not suggesting interviews be scrapped; merely that there be no obligation to interview. Is an interview going to be of much use in the case of a junkie in on a charge of theft, with dozens of priors for nicking razor-blades?If you are suggesting that we give up any attempt to interview suspects as part of an investigation, all you're going to do is massively reduce the number of successful investigations and prosecutions.
Certainly. The prison popular c. 1900 was around 14,500.You think harsher punishment would reduce crime? Do you have any empirical evidence to back up that assertion?
A combination of social breakdown and grinding poverty might bump up crime. But if poverty alone caused crime, England's past simply couldn't exist.Looking at the rest of the world, the countries with lower crime rates are those with higher levels of social justice, which also tend to be those with less harsh penal systems (sticking to the rich world – the rules are a bit different in the poor world so comparisons are not useful).
That's not too helpful really, given that we now live in a very different kind of society. Just as comparisons between rich and poor countries are not illuminating, neither are comparisons between now and 100 years ago, when the majority of those in poverty expected to stay in poverty, and there was no consumer society to speak of to tell them any different.Certainly. The prison popular c. 1900 was around 14,500.
Why the narrow limit? It's not nearly so simple as "harsh punishment = less crime", but neither is the reverse true. If crime was low in 1900 (and later) then "social justice" isn't a prerequisite of crime control.I can only repeat: please show me a country of comparable industrialisation that has a harsh penal system and low crime – I won't accept totalitarian regimes like Saudi Arabia either, democracies only please.
Why the narrow limit? It's not nearly so simple as "harsh punishment = less crime", but neither is the reverse true.
You seem to be suggesting that Britain of 1900 had low crime because poor people weren't tempted: not only is the absence of a consumer society dubious, but if people expected to stay poor, they should be more, not less, frustrated, and the temptation created by common goods should have been amplified.
No liberal democracy with harsh punishment and low crime comes to mind; this proves little, as other social and cultural factors will play their part. (And how much unofficial brutality from foreign police goes on?) Whatever these factors are, Britain clearly lacks them.
I suggest we build more prisons, put prisoners to relatively-short spells of hard labour, and house them one-to-a-cell. A modest ambition. How would you get crime down?
The prison population has been rising for a lot longer than 25 years. How is this "social justice" (I assume you mean economic equality) to be achieved? Higher taxes?Through building greater social justice. Not going to happen overnight, but the prison population has soared in the last 25 years as inequality has soared.
The dramatic rise in prison population – roughly tripling, I believe – has taken place in the time period I suggested.The prison population has been rising for a lot longer than 25 years. How is this "social justice" (I assume you mean economic equality) to be achieved? Higher taxes?
The Victorians and Edwardians were perfectly capable of glorifying material success. The rise of the middle class shows that aspiration was both possible and desirable: it isn't quite the closed system you're making out.
What this boils down to is bribing people to be good. If it's true that criminals are slaves to their desires, then we're all a redundancy away from criminality, and all potential suspects. I prefer a society that assumes people are moral agents capable of taking responsibility for their actions.
Oh, and I'd legalize drugs, but I wouldn't provide free heroin on the NHS, any more than I'd buy an alcoholic a bottle of Jack Daniels. Any addict who can't pay for their own addiction should either quit or expect 72 hours of cold turkey followed by a month of hard labour on a theft conviction.
The evidence comes from when we actually had hard labour, and you've already ruled that out.As for your idea that hard labour would cure the delinquent, again, please show me the empirical evidence.
Effective crime-reduction tends not to be based on lines from Gilbert and Sullivan. I didn't reccomend borstal, but hard labour for adult prisoners. (Juveniles should not be subject to the adult system.) This isn't a "short, sharp shock", that will likely brutalize more than it reforms, but a period of disciplined punishment where the offender can dwell on their crime.Borstal – the 'short, sharp shock' – was abandoned. Why? Because it was not an effective deterrent at all.
The cause of crime is people committing the crime. A burglary is caused by a burglar. A mugging is caused by a mugger. Who goes out and does these things? Why them and not others? Are there trends to be found in their circumstances? If so, will reducing the number of people in those circumstances reduce the number of people committing those acts? Why (and this is the only valid question you seem prepared to tackle) do some people from these circumstances commit these acts and not others? These are the kinds of questions that need to be asked if you are serious about studying criminology – all of them, not just those that suit your preconceptions.Crime might be higher in housing estates, but is its root cause poverty, or broken homes exacerbated by poverty? (Or poverty exacerbated by broken homes, for that matter.) As white collar criminals show, all ranks and conditions of men are capable of criminality.
No it isn't. You misunderstand my argument if you think it is.I'm not sure what "the social context for crime" means. Of course background and upbringing can influence decisions; I mentioned broken homes in my last post. But crime remains a choice, and those factors should not be over-stated. It might not be your intention to deny criminal responsibility, but it's an unintended consequence of your argument.
In some ways, yes. Alienation that sees those marginalised socially and economically often quite rationally reaching the conclusion that a criminal life is for them. Why respect the laws of a society that is shitting on you from a great height?What is this "alienation"? -- the Marxist kind?
Actually my preconceptions were very liberal. You might still find posts of mine floating about on Urban where I produce all sorts of recieved ideas. I've changed my mind.These are the kinds of questions that need to be asked if you are serious about studying criminology – all of them, not just those that suit your preconceptions.
It absolutely does not. We are born with a certain nature whose development is dependent in all kinds of ways on the environment. Again, you seriously misunderstand my position if you think this.Your approach appears to shift the onus of change from criminals to society. "Alienation" especially -- it takes it as an axiom that we have some fundamental human nature that capitalism distorts.
Like what? Which of my list of questions do you consider to be invalid?I'm not adverse to basic education and help finding work for convicts who display a desire to reform themselves. But the onus should be on them. I'm not suggesting adults can't be brutalized: hard labour is arduous but not brutal. Neither do I have any interest in studying "criminology": it makes a lot of social science assumptions that I just don't agree with.
None.Like what? Which of my list of questions do you consider to be invalid?
You mentioned the discipline of criminology: a social science currently bound up with all kinds of fashionable ideas. If we're taking criminology simply to mean the study of crime, however, I've looked at the history of crime quite a bit, which is what made me abandon the liberal preconceptions. There is no obligation now (other than an arguable requirement to provide a suspect an opportunity to provide any explanation they have). It's just that in reality there is always something to interview about for evidential purposes (particularly in the vast majority of cases where some mens rea is required - apart from interview there is no easy way of convincing a jury what was going on in someone's head ...I'm not suggesting interviews be scrapped; merely that there be no obligation to interview.