I agree. I'll start a thread on the World Politics forum on the US welfare system, since there seems to be interest in having a separate discussion of that. On this thread, we can stick to the future of working-class politics in Britain.
On that subject, my difficulty is exemplified by Rhys's identification of not having had an economic slump as a problem for working-class people.
It seems to me that a working-class political movement can be one of two things. It can take a traditional Marxist form, where the aim is to raise the consciousness of the working class as a whole in an attempt to secure a proletarian revolution - in which case, the aim is actually in the short term to make working-class people as impoverished, resentful and desperate as possible, so that they will be ripe for revolution. Or it can take an Americanist form (to use Marx's phrase), where the aim is to promote social mobility and the material betterment of individual working people within the current social system.
I want to look ahead a little, and to ask whether societies that have professed to be worker-run have in reality been better for the working class than societies that do not profess to be worker-run. It seems to me, having travelled extensively in countries that have experimented with Marxism, that every attempt across the world for a century that has led to a proletarian revolution has resulted, in the long term, in the material impoverishment of the workers, and power shifting out of the hands of plutocrats into the hands of bureaucrats and soldiers. That's not a society I would be willing to work towards, and I want to understand how it could be avoided.
It seems also to me that traditional Marxist working-class politics suffered a death-blow from the collapse of the Soviet bloc in 1989. At that time, I was having regular weekly discussion sessions with members of Workers' Fight, who would tie themselves into knots arguing that no communist state that has ever existed has really been communist, but that a hypothetical communist state of their imaginings would avoid the mass starvations, prison camps, political repression and bureaucracy that characterized those states. I find it very hard to buy that bill of goods, and I think that most British people would also find it hard. Perhaps if I understood better what the eventual aim of a traditional working-class political movement would be, then I and other British people would be better able to support it.
On that subject, my difficulty is exemplified by Rhys's identification of not having had an economic slump as a problem for working-class people.
It seems to me that a working-class political movement can be one of two things. It can take a traditional Marxist form, where the aim is to raise the consciousness of the working class as a whole in an attempt to secure a proletarian revolution - in which case, the aim is actually in the short term to make working-class people as impoverished, resentful and desperate as possible, so that they will be ripe for revolution. Or it can take an Americanist form (to use Marx's phrase), where the aim is to promote social mobility and the material betterment of individual working people within the current social system.
I want to look ahead a little, and to ask whether societies that have professed to be worker-run have in reality been better for the working class than societies that do not profess to be worker-run. It seems to me, having travelled extensively in countries that have experimented with Marxism, that every attempt across the world for a century that has led to a proletarian revolution has resulted, in the long term, in the material impoverishment of the workers, and power shifting out of the hands of plutocrats into the hands of bureaucrats and soldiers. That's not a society I would be willing to work towards, and I want to understand how it could be avoided.
It seems also to me that traditional Marxist working-class politics suffered a death-blow from the collapse of the Soviet bloc in 1989. At that time, I was having regular weekly discussion sessions with members of Workers' Fight, who would tie themselves into knots arguing that no communist state that has ever existed has really been communist, but that a hypothetical communist state of their imaginings would avoid the mass starvations, prison camps, political repression and bureaucracy that characterized those states. I find it very hard to buy that bill of goods, and I think that most British people would also find it hard. Perhaps if I understood better what the eventual aim of a traditional working-class political movement would be, then I and other British people would be better able to support it.
