articul8
Dishonest sociopath
JoePolitix said:The point is that to dismiss labour as just another capitalist party no different to the lib dems is to abandon its 190,000 or so members and affiliated unions to the right wing leadership.
But for quite some time prior to the setting up of the Labour party, the trade unions had substantial ties to the Liberals. This, however, did not make the Liberal party a capitalist *workers* party.
The continuation of the Labour link is largely down to the bureaucratic manoeuvrings of the union bureaucracy rather than any rank and file pressure to maintain it. The internal channels which existed for workers to exert pressure on the leadership (historically limited at the best of times) have been completely and utterly blocked. The overwhelming orientation over the last 2 decades at least has been to purge itself of any serious working class influence from below in order that its leadership can have a totally free hand to pursue neoliberal attacks. There has been a major shift in class composition of the labour party's now decimated membership - in place of class conscious working class local activisits is a block of passive upwardly mobile middle-class credit card donors.
Yes the Suttons defected to the Socialist Party in this circumstance even after their refusal to form a united front with him against the fascists.[...]
I don't think the SP's "third period" sectarianism should be overlooked either.
Anologies with the 1930's are completely and utterly spurious. For a start, there was an imminent threat of fascist seizing state power, a substantial body of reactionaries capable of exerting serious force on the streets etc.
Plus, there were MASS organisations of the working class. None of this exists today! Tactics have to be weighed according to the circumstances. At this stage the BNP has isolated pockets of support but is nowhere near taking hold of a parish council, let alone the British state. (which is not to take the threat lightly, by any means - but this is a simple recognition of the balance of forces today).
In these circumstances, the *most urgent* task is to raise the banner of socialism as an alternative. By contrast an 'anti-fascist' politics which involves a lowest common denominator politics so as not to scare off bourgeois politicians (an approach with significant echoes of Stalinist "popular frontism") will only help to perpetuate the myth that the BNP is the only radical alternative to the status quo.
But as has been pointed out to Fisher Gate - whilst the SP points out rightly that the parties share a common inability to solve the urgent social problems faced by the working class - this DOES NOT mean that a vote for Labour is the same as a vote for the BNP. It is precisely by engaging and discussing sensitively with those historically inclined to vote Labour (and, yes, sympathising with the view that to do so is a necessary evil to keep out the nazis - a perfectly understandable, although tactically mistaken view) that support for a socialist alternative can be built.
The Stoke example is encouraging as it shows that - even if short term results of a more principled approach are very limited (or worse!) - then such campaigns can nevertheless lay the groundwork for positive future developments.
