Into:
I am absolutely sick of hearing this. I see it as a paternalistic, patronising sop to the people who have to put up with the problem from day to day. ''Don't worry your dim little heads -- we'll deal with it when we've done all this other terribly important stuff (and worked out who next to fob the problem off on to)”.
Eh? Again, that's not what I said. I'm saying that the "Crack Out" campaign is unlikely to rid the streets of dealers
of itself. I'm also saying that police activity with street dealers
of itself won't either, for all the reasons given, and will result in displacement as much, or more so, than erradication. But that is not a reason for not doing either - as well as working higher up the supply chain.
But main point is that if you don't tackle the police directly, or encourage the Moorlands residents to do so (and find out why their Residents Association chair is falling over in her praise for the local police) then you can't speak authoritatively about what they are or aren't doing down Somerleyton Road. You suggest that they are more diligent around Herne Hill - can you evidence this? I'd lay good money that there is much more police resource devoted to Angel and Coldharbour than to Herne Hill, but you may be able to prove me wrong.
I think the line you're taking on this illustrates what I find least attractive about the IWCA proposal - you start from a class analysis and then interpret the evidence to fit. It's an approach which may induce warm feeling amongst the intiates, but not one (IMO) that would attract wider support.
Why was Coldharbour Lane dealt with? Because virtually the entirety of Lambeth (including many on these Boards), and beyond, was screaming about it, that's why.
On the contrary, this is central to the argument. Are you, or are you not, saying that council estates (and those taken on by HAs) are not predominantly working class? Then what are they? ''The poor'' just will not do.
Read what I wrote. For the sake of arguement, I
accepted your categorisation of "estates = working class". My pont was that the issue of the Skateboard Park, an important one for people living in Brixton, is not a class one. Your response that nontheless its only people who self-identify as working class (even by the heavily caveated definition of IWCA), who are best placed to resolve this, doesn't convince me.
I don't think any of the people engaged with this issue currently would identify in those terms (the prime mover amongst the skaters is an architect, for example - read their website, can you find evidence of class conciousness there?), they've had help and support from ward councillors (cf "than any of the main political parties, who just don't give a toss what happens on estates. "), council officers, local people and the Brixton Forum - and I've heard no-one cast this as a class issue. I certainly think some of those people would have backed off if the whole thing was couched in the terms of "class struggle" or whatever you want to call it.
not a flashback to 1970s class politics!
Absolutely! Ever since sitting as a (working class) student in SU meetiings, listening to lectures in well-modulated, Home Counties accents, asserting the need for "solidarity with the working claaases", I've been deeply suspicious of this stuff. Many of its leading lights went on to screw up the Labour party for a generation, and gave us 18 years of Thatcherism. Fat lot of good that did for the working claaaases.
But, at the end of the day, if there are significant numbers of people who are more likely to be motivated to be active in their communities by a class banner, rather than the simple wish to improve their own and their neighbours lot (regardless of class) and if their efforts lead to greater not less cohesion, then let them go for it. By their fruits shall you know them
