The trouble with Durruti's analysis of Hamas is that he refuses to actually consider that these movements are not monolithic but operate in precise historical and material contexts under all kinds of pressures. For example, Hamas at the moment present some challenge to the Arab regimes, while the Muslim Brotherhood leadership in Egypt to some extend puts the breaks on a challenge to the Mubarak regime.
Consider if we took the same approach elsewhere:
For example, somebody selling the Morning Star on a demo isn't necessarily gonna icepick a trotskyist, support gulags in Britain and want to turn Britain into a totalitarian one-party state despite their connections with an organisation that has strong origins in Stalinism. And despite historically the British Communist Party having links with Stalnist regimes, and despite criticisms of the political orientation of British communism, one can still recognise that their were many fine militants who fought for working class emancipation and people who joined the Communist Party to fight for socialism.
As I stated earlier, would I judge Plaid Cymru today (many of whose activists are committed anti-fascists) on the basis that some of its founders in the 1930s were fellow travellers of the European radical right? Plaid as a modern political party has also shifted ideology in order to appeal to a wider base in Wales beyond it's welsh speaking core vote, for example, in South Wales they have adopted old-Labour rhetoric. They initially argued for the abolition of the English language in Wales, but they recognised that this was not going to connect with the majority of people in Wales who don't speak Welsh etc.
For example, despite it's Islamist background Hamas in 2005 supported the candidature of a Christian Woman as Mayor of Ramallah (just as they backed a Christian to become mayor of Bethlehem) who was an activist in the secular leftist PFLP, it also invited PFLP into government when it won the elections (an offer PFLP rejected). If Hamas was as monolithic as Durruti claims (the Palestinian stooges of Sudan etc.) it would be inconceivable that it would invite a party like the PFLP that with strong roots among Palestinian Christians and a secular leftist orientation into power.
Yes, Durruti, Hamas supported the candidature of a secular marxist woman from a christian background to become Mayor of Palestine's political capital Ramallah.
As a modern political party seeking to be electable, despite its islamist ideology, Hamas recognises that most Palestinians don't support the Islamisation of Palestine and adjust their policies (just as I noted how nationalism in Wales had changed in response to the political context it operates within).
Hamas' religious leaders are also as one might expect patriarchal and anti-feminist, yet even here there are contradictions and tensions, Hamas has many women MPs:
http://www.greenleft.org.au/2006/659/7252
Hamas was also initially supported by Israel to derail the then leading resistance organisation, the PLO, anyone who thinks that Hamas are stooges of Israel today is on another planet.
We should criticise the politics of Hamas, just as socialists would be critical of nationalist movements such as Irish nationalism in the North of Ireland (that while a genuine expression of the oppression of Catholics could only succeed by attempting to forge unity with Protestant workers by attacking Tories - North & South, rather than appealing to a romanticised notion of the Irish republic), this should be on the basis of a concrete analysis of concrete conditions, not Durruti's weird tripping.
We should adopt two key principles,
unconditional support for the right of the oppressed to resist with
critical support for their struggle