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building a revolutionary org

sihhi said:
Perhaps the "union positions" had attempted to control this presure from below so that it wouldn't attack the authority and managerialist structure of most of the TUC unions.


I am sure that this was right , there was and still is a deep suspicion of the leadership from the rank and file in most unions from activists. In fact IS and the SWP argued that then trade union bureaucracy was there to mediate between the bossess and the rank and file.There was an equal resentment between many of these bureaucrats towards independent shop stewards committess, national or regional networks or rank and file groups that lay outside of their control.
 
cockneyrebel said:
But this still doesn’t make sense. You can’t “leave aside” the miner’s strike, it was one of the most significant events in working class history in the UK. There was also Wapping of course.

Also the dockers did come out on strike in support of the miner’s but they were shafted by their union leaders. A less syndicalist campaign by Scargill could well have meant significant secondary strikes. Indeed when the dockers came out Thatcher, from sources close to her, apparently thought that was the beginning of the end for her government.

So as said, if the miner’s had won it would have changed everything, so unless the SWP though defeat was inevitable then how could the down turn theory make sense?

Can’t believe a delegate said that about paper sales. It shows how crazy the theory was IMO…..

PS I'll talk on this thread ;) :D....so you went from the SWP to IWCA eh....

To quote one of the leading junior members of a small but perfectly formed Trotskyist organisation of the present period " fuck off "
 
Chuck Wilson said:
I am sure that this was right , there was and still is a deep suspicion of the leadership from the rank and file in most unions from activists. In fact IS and the SWP argued that then trade union bureaucracy was there to mediate between the bossess and the rank and file.There was an equal resentment between many of these bureaucrats towards independent shop stewards committess, national or regional networks or rank and file groups that lay outside of their control.
So I think we are in agreement that "The down turn theory was based on then fact that generally the working class was in a period of retreat in the mid 80s."

But the reason for the thread Chuck, was that I was hope being you would expand upon your views of the nineteen nineties to today, revolutionary orgs and their relationship to the class struggle.

_________________
Respect, ResistanceMP3.

They stoop so low to reach so high.
 
ResistanceMP3 said:
This article, and this post totally misunderstands what cliffs theory was about in my opinion in post 39.
Lucky then it wasn't a reply to your post#39 but to Cliff's theory as propounded by himself in his autobiogrpahy.
 
ResistanceMP3 said:
So I think we are in agreement that "The down turn theory was based on then fact that generally the working class was in a period of retreat in the mid 80s."

But the reason for the thread Chuck, was that I was hope being you would expand upon your views of the nineteen nineties to today, revolutionary orgs and their relationship to the class struggle.

_________________
Respect, ResistanceMP3.

They stoop so low to reach so high.

Bloody hell Resistance 'expand' eh? That's a tall order for a very short man.You clearly have no idea how politically insignificant I am!

I'll have a go a little later, I am still pondering where to file cockneyrebels details in my little book.
 
ResistanceMP3 said:
So I think we are in agreement that "The down turn theory was based on then fact that generally the working class was in a period of retreat in the mid 80s."


_________________
Respect, ResistanceMP3.

They stoop so low to reach so high.
But the theory claimed that the downturn had started from 1974 - not the mid 80s!
 
CR did you spring perfectly formed from the WP womb?

Nope. Started in the SWP. That's probably why I take an interest in them. Well that and they fuck up everything they get involved with, and quite a few campaigns/organisations I've been involved with....

I am still pondering where to file cockneyrebels details in my little book.

You're getting quite creepy..... :eek:
 
RMP3 how does this take into account the miner’s strike though? How can the SWP say there was a down turn when the biggest strike since the 1930s took place in the early 1980s. A strike that if successful could have changed the face of the UK. That’s a down turn?!
 
cockneyrebel said:
RMP3 how does this take into account the miner’s strike though? How can the SWP say there was a down turn when the biggest strike since the 1930s took place in the early 1980s. A strike that if successful could have changed the face of the UK. That’s a down turn?!
Well develop that, how could have it won? By using their tactics it did in 1974. But why didn't it? Because of the ideological downturn.

There of course was a chance the miners could have won despite the downturn. NACODS. And if this had happened of course it would have had an effect upon the ideological downturn.

Frats Rmp3
 
Just to factually correct one of the leading junior members of a small but perfectly formed Trotskyist organisation of the present period there was no national strike action called in support of the miners by any trade union. Not even when the NUM funds were sequestrated.This was despite the tremendous solidarity of many rank and file trade unionists and activists.
 
JoeBlack said:
strikes2.gif


There is a lot of building on sand here.

I went looking for the figures on work stoppages through the century, and it makes the downturn theory even more suspect. Basically, days lost due to stoppages bounce along at the bottom of the chart for most of the century. 1907 to the mid 1920's there are lost of days lost, and there's a little hiccup around 1930. Then not a lot for 20 years, a little rise in the late 50's early 60's, and then from the late 60's up to 1987 there are some big peaks and a generally higher level of stoppages, higher than anything since 1930. After 1987 stoppages go back to bouncing along the bottom of the chart.
(the charts too big for me to attach, but you can get the data here http://www.statistics.gov.uk/STATBASE/tsdataset.asp?vlnk=538 )

Anyway, the point is, there was no downturn in 1979. There was an upturn in the late 60's, that lasted for about 20 years - until 1987, not 1977 - and then things went back to normal.

Of course, you can argue that the downturn is actually talking about something that isn't captured by statistics of industrial disputes. But then we're back to the questions asked above -

What was this qualitative change?
Did it ever change back?
If not, are we still in the downturn?
If it did, why?

I'd appreciate any non-circular answers to these questions.

(In other words, don't tell me that the SWP changed their approach because they could see that the downturn had ended, and we can tell that the downturn had ended because the SWP changed their approach)
 
ResistanceMP3 said:
There of course was a chance the miners could have won despite the downturn. NACODS.
Proof if it were ever needed that you cannot rely on the supervisory classes to back their "subordinates" in a dispute or any other aspect of class struggle. When the chips are down, the supervisor class always relishes any opportunity to hold the whip and wield the rod. Remember the debacle when the signal supervisors similarly refused to strike alongside the signalworkers in the early 1990's? One of the left's biggest mistakes has been to continually inisst that the supervisory class will one day identify with the rank-and-file workers and join forces with them. It won't happen - this class has it's own seperate interests and is only interested in defending them. Occasionally the supervisor class calls for solidarity from the subordinate workers, but they seldom (if ever) give it in return.
 
ResistanceMP3 said:
Well develop that, how could have it won? By using their tactics it did in 1974. But why didn't it? Because of the ideological downturn.

There of course was a chance the miners could have won despite the downturn. NACODS. And if this had happened of course it would have had an effect upon the ideological downturn.

Frats Rmp3

Besides simply saying that the defeat of the 84/85 miners' strike is evidence of an ideological downturn (which is a thoroughly circular and therefore inconclusive line of argument) how could you measure such a downturn?

Louis Mac
 
Very good rnb.

there was no national strike action called in support of the miners by any trade union.

So the docker's didn't go on strike during the miner's strike? The official reason wasn't given as secondary striking but everyone knew that was what it was about....

RMP3 are you seriously saying that the miner's lost because of the "ideological downturn"?! A big reason they lost was because of the syndicalist tactics of Scargill, the scabs (mainly in Nottingham) and the sell-out of other union leaders like with the dockers.....(well the main reason was Thatcher and the coppers, but I mean from our side)....

And the main reason there was a downturn was precisely because the miner's lost and in the process the organised working class smashed by Thatcher.

So how can the SWP say it was a downturn BEFORE the miner's strike. The evidence just doesn't support it and on top of that one of the greatest working class struggles in the UK of all time was about to take place....
 
cockneyrebel said:
A less syndicalist campaign by Scargill could well have meant significant secondary strikes.
Don't want to bring-up the whole of the miners strike debate but are you suggesting that if Scargill had kept it to just an industrial question it would have been more revolutionary. Do you think it was wrong for the NUM to fight a plitical campaign in 1974 when it won? Do you think that the trade unionism (in the narrow sense) is revolutionary?

What do you think of the growing millions of unemployed at this point, the uprising in the inner cities and the solidarity with those also fighting against British Imperialism in Ireland and South Africa? As well as the issues of women's groups, Lesbian and Gays and defence against police attacks.
 
scawenb said:
What do you think of the growing millions of unemployed at this point, the uprising in the inner cities and the solidarity with those also fighting against British Imperialism in Ireland and South Africa? As well as the issues of women's groups, Lesbian and Gays and defence against police attacks.
Many of those issues rapidly turned up the blind-alley of Identity Politics, to which class struggle was ultimately sacrificed in favour of by many on the left.
 
Sorry I rushed the way I wrote the post! I was saying it needed to be more of a political struggle and also that he had the attitude of "the miners united will never be defeated" and not "the workers united will never be defeated" meaning he never really pushed for secondary action. A disasterous tactic....

But aren't we agreeing :confused:
 
poster342002 said:
Many of those issues rapidly turned up the blind-alley of Identity Politics, to which class struggle was ultimately sacrificed in favour of by many on the left.
So the rights of black people, women, queers, the unemployed, immigrants, those fighting constant police harrassment, racism, council tax, crap housing, criminalisation, democratic rights along with Ireland, Palestine, Iraq, Afghanistan, Africa all being carved up in the interests of preserving British imperialism???

These are all identity politics sacrified on the altar of the regulation of wages and working conditions. One strike is work a 1000 demonstrations, uprisings, defence of communities, fights for democratic rights.

The British Trade Union movement over centuries has shown what its aims and abilities are. Is there any revolutionary situation in the world which has been broght about by just the claim for better pay and conditions from the Chartists to the Russian Revolution from the Paris Commune to 1968 from Ireland to South Africa the issue of supposed "identity politics" has always been more signifcant than mere wage regulation.
 
scawenb said:
So the rights of black people, women, queers, the unemployed, immigrants, those fighting constant police harrassment, racism, council tax, crap housing, criminalisation, democratic rights along with Ireland, Palestine, Iraq, Afghanistan, Africa all being carved up in the interests of preserving British imperialism???

These are all identity politics sacrified on the altar of the regulation of wages and working conditions. One strike is work a 1000 demonstrations, uprisings, defence of communities, fights for democratic rights.

The British Trade Union movement over centuries has shown what its aims and abilities are. Is there any revolutionary situation in the world which has been broght about by just the claim for better pay and conditions from the Chartists to the Russian Revolution from the Paris Commune to 1968 from Ireland to South Africa the issue of supposed "identity politics" has always been more signifcant than mere wage regulation.
Errr not so fast there, mate. Those struggles did (and still do) need to be fought. But the often embarresingly crass "top down" way in which they were fought by middle-class trendies with large-framed glasses and long jumpers saying the word "concerned" a lot did no end of damage to those same struggles and the rest of the class struggle as a whole IMO.
 
Just for the sake of the increasingly deaf and one of the leading junior members of a small but perfectly formed Trotskyist organisation of the present period..

There was no national strike action taken by any of the trade unions in support of the miners.Ie not one union called its national membership out on strike in support of the miners.

Compare that low level of solidarity by the TU leadership for example with the miners strike action in support of the nurses.The TU leadership during the miners strike had long since decided that backing Kinnock was the least damge that could be done to the Labour Party whose relection they saw as the way forward.In the years leading up to the miners strike Thatcher and her backers had succesfully took key trade unions one by one: railway workers ,steel workers, etc one by one and hung themout to dry.

Even those elements opposed to the elect Kinnock at all costs strategy ie Liverpool Councils Labour/Militant leadership ended there own dispute with the Tory govt having used the threat of the miners dispute to get an improved settlement.
 
Just for the sake of the increasingly deaf and one of the leading junior members of a small but perfectly formed Trotskyist organisation of the present period..

Are you one of those people who when they think they've said something funny says it over and over and no-one else laughs? It seems like it......
 
cockneyrebel said:
Very good rnb.



So the docker's didn't go on strike during the miner's strike? The official reason wasn't given as secondary striking but everyone knew that was what it was about....

RMP3 are you seriously saying that the miner's lost because of the "ideological downturn"?! A big reason they lost was because of the syndicalist tactics of Scargill, the scabs (mainly in Nottingham) and the sell-out of other union leaders like with the dockers.....(well the main reason was Thatcher and the coppers, but I mean from our side)....

And the main reason there was a downturn was precisely because the miner's lost and in the process the organised working class smashed by Thatcher.

So how can the SWP say it was a downturn BEFORE the miner's strike. The evidence just doesn't support it and on top of that one of the greatest working class struggles in the UK of all time was about to take place....
Hello cockneyrebel. Think we have always had a fraternal discussion on topics. What I am about to say is not completely directed at you, but those who refuse to accept they may not totally understand the REAL Downturn theory. At least you in the post above begun to question the real theory. But before we move on from here, can we be clear about something for others sake. That what the swp is being attacked for, IS NOT THE SAME as what the swp members, and X member are saying.

Poster after poster has attacked the “down to theory”, on the basis that it was a quantitive analysis of the class struggle. The socialist outlook article is an absolutly right imo, that any such claim of a downturn in the class struggle based upon quantative analysis “Begger’s belief”. Not one person from the swp has tried to defend a quantative analysis of the “downturn theory”, because that is not the swp analysis.

It is totally irrelevant if none party members say that is what Cliff meant, if not one swp member is prepared to agree with that. You cannot attack collectively the swp for a theory, that the swp does not collectively accept.

The “downturn theory” was based upon a qualitive assessment of the nature of class struggle post 1974. From 1945 to 1974-9ish there was a general ideological confidence of the British working class that they could fight for at least reforms of the capitalist system to make the world a better place. Because the post boom gave the bosses room to maneuver, and accede to reforms, so this ideological viewpoint was never tested to the point of crisis. 1974 – 79 labor government was the crisis. Labor government was the rock on which the ship of “post war boom reformist working class ideology” foundered. The winter of discontent, Bennism, the steel workers strike, the print workers strike, and the miners’ strike, were the resulting wreckage that came as the ship foundered upon that rock was battered by the seas of class struggle. That’s swp “downturn theory”. If people want to attack the theory, the least they can do his attack the real thing instead of attacking strawmen.

Let me put it another way. The labor movement in Britain had a base and a superstructure, as did Britain. Changes in the economic base of Britain, made necessary changes in the superstructure. The reformist labor movement was a fetter to this change. However, the reformist Labor movement Did not have have a social revolution alternative. When forced through economic crisis to choose between social revolution and a reformist government who sought only to manage capitalism, and so manage the necessary changes in the economy, the reformist labor movement superstructure chose the reformist government and the continuing management of capitalism, just as the triple alliance did in 1919. The rank and file organizations could not overcome the dead weight of the superstructure, because they to did not have a social revolution alternative. There was no revolutionary organization big enough to influence the movement. And so the working class movement was never given the opportunity of the Luxemburg choice “socialism or barbarism”. the qualitive change in the labor movement superstructure eventually resulted in quantative change in the base of the labor movement, the number of strike days.

__________________
Respect, ResistanceMP3.

They stoop so low to reach so high.

PS. Sorry to speak in jargon. I hate speaking in leftwing jargon.
 
None of the below addresses the question of how you measure the ideological down turn in a way that isn't circular and self serving. Also stating that the miners' defeat was down to this illusive ideological downturn is turning the relationship between base and superstructure on it's head in a manner quite striking for someone claiming to be a marxist.

Louis Mac

ResistanceMP3 said:
Hello cockneyrebel. Think we have always had a fraternal discussion on topics. What I am about to say is not completely directed at you, but those who refuse to accept they may not totally understand the REAL Downturn theory. At least you in the post above begun to question the real theory. But before we move on from here, can we be clear about something for others sake. That what the swp is being attacked for, IS NOT THE SAME as what the swp members, and X member are saying.

Poster after poster has attacked the “down to theory”, on the basis that it was a quantitive analysis of the class struggle. The socialist outlook article is an absolutly right imo, that any such claim of a downturn in the class struggle based upon quantative analysis “Begger’s belief”. Not one person from the swp has tried to defend a quantative analysis of the “downturn theory”, because that is not the swp analysis.

It is totally irrelevant if none party members say that is what Cliff meant, if not one swp member is prepared to agree with that. You cannot attack collectively the swp for a theory, that the swp does not collectively accept.

The “downturn theory” was based upon a qualitive assessment of the nature of class struggle post 1974. From 1945 to 1974-9ish there was a general ideological confidence of the British working class that they could fight for at least reforms of the capitalist system to make the world a better place. Because the post boom gave the bosses room to maneuver, and accede to reforms, so this ideological viewpoint was never tested to the point of crisis. 1974 – 79 labor government was the crisis. Labor government was the rock on which the ship of “post war boom reformist working class ideology” foundered. The winter of discontent, Bennism, the steel workers strike, the print workers strike, and the miners’ strike, were the resulting wreckage that came as the ship foundered upon that rock was battered by the seas of class struggle. That’s swp “downturn theory”. If people want to attack the theory, the least they can do his attack the real thing instead of attacking strawmen.

Let me put it another way. The labor movement in Britain had a base and a superstructure, as did Britain. Changes in the economic base of Britain, made necessary changes in the superstructure. The reformist labor movement was a fetter to this change. However, the reformist Labor movement Did not have have a social revolution alternative. When forced through economic crisis to choose between social revolution and a reformist government who sought only to manage capitalism, and so manage the necessary changes in the economy, the reformist labor movement superstructure chose the reformist government and the continuing management of capitalism, just as the triple alliance did in 1919. The rank and file organizations could not overcome the dead weight of the superstructure, because they to did not have a social revolution alternative. There was no revolutionary organization big enough to influence the movement. And so the working class movement was never given the opportunity of the Luxemburg choice “socialism or barbarism”. the qualitive change in the labor movement superstructure eventually resulted in quantative change in the base of the labor movement, the number of strike days.

__________________
Respect, ResistanceMP3.

They stoop so low to reach so high.

PS. Sorry to speak in jargon. I hate speaking in leftwing jargon.
 
ResistanceMP3 said:
The “downturn theory” was based upon a qualitive assessment of the nature of class struggle post 1974. From 1945 to 1974-9ish there was a general ideological confidence of the British working class that they could fight for at least reforms of the capitalist system to make the world a better place. Because the post boom gave the bosses room to maneuver, and accede to reforms, so this ideological viewpoint was never tested to the point of crisis. 1974 – 79 labor government was the crisis. Labor government was the rock on which the ship of “post war boom reformist working class ideology” foundered. The winter of discontent, Bennism, the steel workers strike, the print workers strike, and the miners’ strike, were the resulting wreckage that came as the ship foundered upon that rock was battered by the seas of class struggle. That’s swp “downturn theory”. If people want to attack the theory, the least they can do his attack the real thing instead of attacking strawmen.

The trouble is that this 'qualitative assessment' seems to have been just pulled out of the air by the SWP leadership. Sure, you can be too taken with one measurement or another of class confidence, but there doesn't seem to have been any objective basis for the decision that the nature of class struggle had changed. It seems to have been entirely a response to the internal demands of the SWP.

The same is true of the end of the downturn. By any objective measurement, the downturn has not ended (since it began in the late 1980's), but the SWP's attachment to the theory did. Why? Because the internal situation of the SWP was such that the downturn theory was no longer convenient.

There's nothing wrong with an organisation changing their working practice as they change in size, or as the surrounding left organisations change, or because they think the new approach will work better for them. The irritating thing is when these changes are dressed up in talk about drastic changes in the political landscape and the level of class consciousness that don't seem to exist.
 
How can there possibly be the total seperation of the qualitive and the quantitive as your summation of the theory ssems to suggest? It's an absurdity - the qualitive will of course be refelected in the quantitive - that's what would have given the theory some actual analytical power, if it had accurately describe what was happening in the real world - if the two had reflected each other.

Instead you place yourself in the ridiculous position of arguing that the qualitive 'downturn' - something so significant that it entailed developing a whole new analysis, had no effect whatsoever on the quantitive experience. In short, you offer an explanation for something that wasn't happening.

Sorry, without the quantitive backing up or reflecting the qualitive change you've outlined you've only served to further undermine the basis of the theory. A theory that sounds even more idealist the way you recount it.
 
Hello Joe black;

You have made several good posts that I would like to respond to, but to keep things on track of what I was aiming for, can I respond to them later when the thread is dead?
JoeBlack said:
Yeah but if you read my post you'd see my point is not whether the down turn theory is right or wrong as a explanation for the real drop off in struggle. I've left that to CR to obcess about.

My point was where the hell is the upturn that the SWP reckoned started to emerge in Oct 92. I get that its meant to be slow motion thing but after 12 years you'd expect some sort of blip to start to show.

The bigger argument is that both downturn and upturn/slow mo theories were invented too serve the needs to the party - this is much clearer in relation to the upturn.
That is roughly the kind of issue I wanted to discuss in this thread.
When I first started the thread I sent a pm to Chuck saying; “Building a revolutionary org - would be interested in your views on this thread considering your comments about the swp. I'm not really going to respond, I hope, to the usual antagonists. But would be interested in discussing a topic which I think interests you as well.”

As I said right at the beginning of this thread, I wasn’t really interested in discussing in particular the swp, but how should a revolutionary organization have related to the historical circumstances of the past decade. Before there was any “blood on the carpet” :D between chuck and I, I wanted to establish that we do both agree about previous historical circumstances. I was interested in talking to chuck About this, because it is easier for people with a common understanding of the past, to come to a collective understanding of the present imo. But I hope the discussion will interest you to, if chuck ever does expand’s on what he said in earlier threads. Hint chuck. ;)

__________________
Respect, ResistanceMP3.

They stoop so low to reach so high.
 
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