There's also a report
here (in French) Belgo-Marocains, Belgo-Turcs (auto)portrait de nos concitoyens worth reading broadly backs up your points
In both groups over the past ten years around 50% say their religious belief/observation has intensified, under 10% say it has decreased.
De plus, une partie importante de nos répondants appartenant aux deux groupes (49% dans chaque échantillon) estime que leur conviction religieuse s’est fortifiée au cours des dix dernières années. Cela représente une légère hausse par rapport à 2009 pour le groupe des Belgo-Marocains car ils n’étaient que 45% à affirmer la même chose à cette époque61. Cependant, ils sont également nombreux (un peu plus de 40%) à estimer que leur croyance est restée inchangée au cours de la même période, et très peu à estimer qu’elle s’est affaiblie (moins de 10%).
On the Turks in Belgium it doesn't mention that a large - very large part of the Turks in Belgium come from originally Afyonkarahisar families a western Turkey but rural region, its politics are pretty nationalist were even more so in the past - the nationalist far right party got 25% of the vote in the June elections.
Diyanet Belcika as mentioned above is a very nationalist form of Islam it will happily devote whole mosque evenings to honour the memory of Ottoman soldiers who fought in the first world war. It has officially 65 main Belgian mosques/Islamic centres under its wing.
Its stated aim is "- Çocuklarımıza Müslüman Türk kültürünü, milli ve manevi değerlerini kazandırmak," to secure for our children Muslim Turkish culture and its national and spiritual values.
One upshot of this is for instance just under a week ago, a group of young Turks in Brussels arsonised a Kurdish rights
tent (if you listen their slogan is a Muslim one 'ya allah bisminlah') but their direction of this religios/national feeling is against a specific 'other', not a general Belgian/Flemish 'other'.
It's worth investigating why Turkish state has this national network buffer but Moroccan state doesn't. For Turkey in the 1960s, there was a fear that 'Kurdishism' was being injected into workers in Sweden and Germany, so there was a big effort to try and stop future generations coming under any kind of sway that would undermine the unitary-national idea. I don't think Morocco had the same pressures and so did not feel so concerned, its emigrants were surplus rural poor from north Morocco but there was no major threat to the unity of the state - in fact with Western assistance it became increasingly concerned with trying to swallow Sahrawia - an aim whose biggest backer in the Arab League was Saudi Arabia.
